﻿WEBVTT

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My encounter
with large factories

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took place in 1969,
in the midst of

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the ‘hot autumn’.
For a year and a half

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I had visited a cultural club

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in Sesto San Giovanni.

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It was linked

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to the Communist Party,

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which was also a
gathering spot

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for all minorities

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and renegades,

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unorthodox groups including
Marxist-Leninists, Trotskyists,

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people of the Hammer and Sickle group,
but above all

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it was frequented by representatives

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of the so-called trade union left,
in particular figures

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who were quite legendary

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of the working class in Sesto and
the surrounding area, including Pirelli.

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For example, there was Renzo Baricelli,

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a prominent trade unionist from Bicocca.

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And others, especially

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the trade union left wing
of the time within the FIOM.

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And then it was frequented by a figure
who was the most charismatic,

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the most important,
who, strictly speaking, cannot be

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classified as belonging

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to the trade union left
because throughout his life he remained

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loyal to official positions
but he

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was a charismatic figure,
that was Antonio Pizzinato.

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And Pizzinato and Baricelli
liked me, also

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politically speaking,
and it was they who

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somehow got me into the factory.

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They got me in

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so that I could then carry out

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trade union activities

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after putting me
through a couple of quick

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trade union training courses.

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In the companies

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that is, the maintenance companies,

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which were external companies
but which nevertheless supplied

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a very significant proportion of

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of workers who were assigned

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to routine or non-routine
maintenance of the large

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factories in Sesto – that is, essentially
all the factories of the Breda Group,

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all the factories of the Falck group
and also Pirelli.

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The reason was that, compared to

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the accelerated processes
of unionisation and

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trade union political growth of the

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regular workforce in large factories,

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the maintenance companies
had a very low

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unionisation rate
and thus represented

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a point of weakness within

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the Sesto working class as a whole.

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There are many reasons for this.

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In some respects they were also privileged,
because despite,

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facing intensive exploitation
and working conditions

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that were worse than those

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of the regular workers
in the large factories

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they were certainly paid better.

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They had long working hours,
they worked overtime.

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On average, each worker did at least
10 hours a day, but it was common

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for people to do 14 or 12 hours.

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To get around the regulation

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they would do a 6-hour shift

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at Breda and then

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clock in and do another

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6-hour shift perhaps at Falck.

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Then there was holiday work because

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every Sunday there was
routine maintenance

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let’s say at the rolling mills at

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Breda Siderurgica, and there were
large hordes of maintenance workers

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who would carry out
this type of operation.

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So if you consider the higher wages,
the overtime and

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the Sunday work, then
they were in a relatively

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integrated situation,

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and therefore

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not very unionised. Or if they

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were in a union, they were in CISNA,
which was still active in 1974

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when we raided the CISNA headquarters
in Sesto,

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seizing the register with

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with the membership cards.
The vast majority were

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Breda workers, among whom CISNA

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essentially played

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a role as a yellow union, a
collaborationist union.

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So there was an interest in trying to

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initiate a process of
of unionisation

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even within these maintenance
companies.

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My recruitment
was made easier by the fact that

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in Sesto there were a few companies,
a couple in particular,

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which were, in a sense,
direct offshoots of the Communist Party

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and the trade union, because they
had been founded by former partisans

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and, above all, by certain workers

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of a high professional calibre
who had been expelled

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from the factories in the 1950s
and who had

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re-trained as small business owners, with the help of the party
and the trade union.

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They had set up
these types of companies.

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With some help I got hired
into one of these subcontracted companies

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and into these
large factories in ’69.

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Generally speaking,
aided by the

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overall climate of the

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development and growing awareness
of the workers’ struggles

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even within these companies
certain aspects gradually began

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to change and people started
to participate in the struggles,

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even though there were
instances of strike-breaking.

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They were actually quite frequent.

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I remember

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one occasion during the
collective contract dispute 1969

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and in 1970, during another
internal struggle at Pirelli.

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The subcontracted workers

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were barricaded in, scabbing flat out
in a maintenance workshop.

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Me and some other young lads
went with the welding torches

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and basically we welded them
shut inside the workshop

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and that was the reason why
Pirelli then sacked me and said

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that I was completely undesirable
that I would not be allowed inside

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a company dealing with Pirelli,
so I carried on at Falck or Breda.

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Generally speaking,
1969, as I remember it

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was a great movement
whose characteristics

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are that the working class
for the first time

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recognised itself as a major force,

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as a major collective subject

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capable of aligning
its own perspective

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with other social sectors as well.

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It conquered a significant role
as a social protagonist

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which extended its influence
progressively

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into the wider social sphere.
I recall when

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the factory councils

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were established,

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the delegates from
the large factories

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who were elected, say, in the
Bergamo and Brianza areas

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they went on to form

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a social authority in the area
alongside, the mayor

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and the parish priest, as eminent figures
to whom people would also go

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to seek advice on matters

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that often went beyond
the direct workers’ struggles.

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They essentially became
a recognised social authority.

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Frankly, I don’t recall there
being a revolutionary consciousness,

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it was rather the idea of workers power
that was the order of the day

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in the collective imagination
of the working class in 1969.

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On this matter I have
always disagreed with

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a true workerist interpretation,
(which discards political content)

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as certain tendencies were

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already present and anticipated:

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the emergence of workers autonomy,

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not only in the forms of struggle
that were beginning to take shape.

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Some characteristics developed
that were more radical than

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the traditional ones
of the working class.

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Also in terms of content

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these struggles were
absolutely avant-garde

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compared to traditional
trade union concepts.

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What comes to mind, for example,
is egalitarianism, which begins

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right there and which is
a fundamental theme because

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it establishes

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a concept of the working-class community

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which is defined in an egalitarian manner

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based on behaviour
and relationships

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which are forged in the struggle

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and no longer according
to professional profile

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or according to their formal position
within the production process.

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Previously, the foremen
in the factory

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tended to be higher
skilled workers,

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but things began to change.

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Of course, they change
because the overall composition changes,

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because as early as ’69 there was a

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fairly massive surge of a
new type of working class.

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What is commonly referred to

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as the mass worker
who is beginning to play a

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dominant role

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not only in quantitative terms
but above all in qualitative terms.

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In terms of the struggles

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which also give rise

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to new political elements.

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The skilled working class
gave only a relative

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attention to certain aspects
of the workers’ condition in general.

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Take hazardous working conditions.

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There was a kind of working-class pride
that sometimes manifested itself

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almost as a kind of heroism.
It was not only the trade unions

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that were monetising health.
Also the skilled type of worker

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had a profoundly different
perspective on these issues

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because it is their
conception of life

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in the sense that for them
the factory, the work

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the pride in their work,
the ability to do their job well,

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the ability to do it better than the bosses
or the owner or the engineer

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was the defining
element of their existence.

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For the mass worker,
on the other hand,

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life in the factory coincided with the struggle
and its new relationships,

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but then real life
began outside when

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working hours ended.
So they wanted to leave work

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the least tired as possible

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so that it was still possible to have
a whole other range of experiences

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that weren’t just
those of the factory.

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Speaking of the change
in class composition

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I believe we must also
highlight another

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aspect, in addition to the well-known

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constantly repeated
talk of the mass worker

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namely the process of
increased education and

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the fact that in the factory

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in general

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in those years there were

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an impressive number
of student workers,

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of workers who
attended evening classes

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and who returned to the factory

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not only with more

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professional knowledge

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but also with a

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more advanced cultural background and a
higher level of political awareness.

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Because the the movement of students

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and evening students

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I believe

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was more significant

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both in terms of quality
and in terms of quantity

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than the secondary school
students’ movement.

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This meant that

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there was a working-class

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with a student section that
had these characteristics

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and the introduction
of technicians into the factory

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who came from this
experience of struggle

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and political debate
in evening schools.

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Because in many factories, for example
at Pirelli or Telettra,

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alongside the

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the mass of workers who
were fighting and taking action,

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very often the vanguards were

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the technicians who came from this sort
of background.

00:14:59.920 --> 00:15:05.000
Certainly the most significant factor
in terms of general behaviour was

00:15:05.040 --> 00:15:11.240
was the so-called ‘mass worker’—this
is just to say that the changes

00:15:11.240 --> 00:15:15.240
taking place within the factories were
were manifold and diverse.

00:15:15.240 --> 00:15:18.480
But it cannot be reduced solely to

00:15:20.200 --> 00:15:21.520
that worker figure.

00:15:21.520 --> 00:15:24.560
1969 was essentially this:

00:15:24.960 --> 00:15:27.720
A significant agency of the worker
and recognising oneself

00:15:27.720 --> 00:15:31.840
as an agent capable
of altering the balance of power

00:15:32.160 --> 00:15:35.160
not only within the factory
but also outside it.

00:15:35.760 --> 00:15:39.240
Certain concepts emerged

00:15:39.240 --> 00:15:43.200
from these struggles later on,

00:15:43.960 --> 00:15:48.760
however some aspects were
clear straight away.

00:15:48.960 --> 00:15:53.680
The struggles in 1969
were preceded

00:15:53.880 --> 00:15:58.680
by the contract dispute
for the chemical and textile workers

00:15:58.680 --> 00:16:03.920
which had been postponed by a year.
They took place in ’68 with struggles

00:16:03.920 --> 00:16:08.320
as sensational as those in the petrochemical sector
at Porto Marghera or even

00:16:10.000 --> 00:16:12.080
the struggle which

00:16:12.080 --> 00:16:16.560
was an icon of 1968,
namely the Marzotto struggle in which

00:16:17.640 --> 00:16:19.680
the Marzotto workers

00:16:19.680 --> 00:16:23.320
waged a fierce struggle

00:16:23.880 --> 00:16:26.880
in open opposition

00:16:27.600 --> 00:16:31.720
to the trade union bureaucracy.

00:16:31.720 --> 00:16:37.280
They destroy the statue of Marzotto
and clash with the police.

00:16:37.640 --> 00:16:41.240
They anticipated later struggles
in terms of behaviour

00:16:42.480 --> 00:16:46.160
but also in terms of outright rupture
with the unions,

00:16:46.200 --> 00:16:50.400
through a struggle,
and an organisation,

00:16:50.400 --> 00:16:52.720
that was completely autonomous
and alternative,

00:16:52.720 --> 00:16:56.120
which foreshadowed what
would happen in the years that followed.

00:16:56.760 --> 00:17:00.880
The cycle of struggles of ’69
came to an end for me personally

00:17:03.840 --> 00:17:06.840
when I had to go for
military service.

00:17:07.200 --> 00:17:11.240
I returned to the factory
more or less with the same trick,

00:17:11.240 --> 00:17:14.240
actually it was slightly different.

00:17:18.080 --> 00:17:23.640
When the head of personnel
was on leave he was replaced

00:17:23.640 --> 00:17:28.080
by a personnel manager who was
a friend of the trade unions.

00:17:29.040 --> 00:17:32.040
So I was hired by Sirti,

00:17:32.240 --> 00:17:35.360
which was a factory
operating in the

00:17:35.360 --> 00:17:39.720
telecommunications sector.
There was an important aspect,

00:17:39.720 --> 00:17:44.080
because the headquarters had its offices in
the business district of Milan

00:17:45.720 --> 00:17:49.120
and that became a

00:17:49.160 --> 00:17:53.240
major issue in ’73
because back then the business district

00:17:53.920 --> 00:17:56.920
was enormous.

00:17:57.480 --> 00:18:00.480
There were lots of technical staff
and office workers

00:18:00.480 --> 00:18:03.480
even those with a very low profile

00:18:04.440 --> 00:18:09.240
in terms of trade unionism.
And yet they played a strategic role

00:18:09.240 --> 00:18:12.320
in the sense that blocking
the business district

00:18:13.440 --> 00:18:16.040
with strikes

00:18:16.040 --> 00:18:18.120
during the collective
contract dispute

00:18:18.120 --> 00:18:22.120
was clearly of great importance.

00:18:23.200 --> 00:18:26.200
In fact

00:18:27.560 --> 00:18:31.040
the contract dispute of ’73

00:18:31.440 --> 00:18:35.120
was a hard struggle
with daily

00:18:35.160 --> 00:18:40.200
picket lines, clashes with scabs
clashes with the police etc..

00:18:40.200 --> 00:18:43.320
It was a context of greater radicalism
compared to 1969.

00:18:44.760 --> 00:18:47.800
The high point, as everyone knows

00:18:48.240 --> 00:18:52.840
was reached with
the occupation of FIAT

00:18:52.840 --> 00:18:57.240
by the so-called ‘red scarves’,
or ‘the hooded’, which was

00:18:57.240 --> 00:19:01.280
a workers’ initiative
of paramilitary dimensions

00:19:01.680 --> 00:19:05.280
which commanded and controlled
the factory for a certain period.

00:19:05.640 --> 00:19:10.920
But these forms of struggles were
essentially replicated

00:19:10.920 --> 00:19:14.680
across almost the entire country,
namely the blocking of goods,

00:19:14.680 --> 00:19:18.080
sabotage and extremely violent
factory-internal demonstrations.

00:19:18.880 --> 00:19:23.600
These were characteristics that
spread like wildfire

00:19:23.600 --> 00:19:27.000
throughout that period of struggle
and marked

00:19:27.280 --> 00:19:30.080
a new horizon as well.

00:19:30.080 --> 00:19:33.200
It must also be said
that at the same time

00:19:33.600 --> 00:19:37.560
especially in the south, in Naples
and in other parts of the South,

00:19:38.440 --> 00:19:39.560
there were

00:19:41.000 --> 00:19:42.360
experiences in which workers,

00:19:42.360 --> 00:19:45.080
starting from the

00:19:45.080 --> 00:19:48.080
organised nuclei

00:19:48.720 --> 00:19:50.240
of the large factories,

00:19:50.240 --> 00:19:54.000
launched attacks on the prefectures,
thereby bringing

00:19:54.000 --> 00:19:57.480
the confrontation not just outside the factory
because that had already happened

00:19:58.720 --> 00:20:02.160
though it had always been
linked to the dimension

00:20:03.360 --> 00:20:05.520
of the capital-labour struggle,

00:20:05.520 --> 00:20:08.520
whereas here for the first time,

00:20:09.960 --> 00:20:11.760
the workers

00:20:11.760 --> 00:20:13.920
attacked

00:20:13.920 --> 00:20:16.920
the state and its forces

00:20:17.800 --> 00:20:19.400
operating

00:20:19.400 --> 00:20:22.400
in the urban areas.

00:20:23.680 --> 00:20:26.680
This led to the idea of

00:20:26.840 --> 00:20:29.400
a new phase

00:20:29.400 --> 00:20:32.640
of workers’ struggles.

00:20:38.215 --> 00:20:38.920
At the end

00:20:38.920 --> 00:20:41.920
of that collective bargaining dispute

00:20:42.680 --> 00:20:46.680
of ’73, practically at the start of 1974,

00:20:47.160 --> 00:20:49.560
I joined a large factory
for the first time

00:20:49.560 --> 00:20:52.560
in a straight-forward manner,
in the sense that I applied

00:20:53.600 --> 00:20:55.600
and Breda Fucine hired me.

00:20:55.600 --> 00:20:58.600
Breda generally didn’t fear anyone

00:20:59.720 --> 00:21:04.440
unlike other factories
for example Falck, where

00:21:05.800 --> 00:21:06.720
essentially

00:21:06.720 --> 00:21:09.720
you’d get in with
a letter of recommendation

00:21:09.840 --> 00:21:13.080
from the parish priest of your village

00:21:13.080 --> 00:21:16.080
from Brianza, Lodigiano or from

00:21:17.840 --> 00:21:19.800
the Bergamo area,

00:21:19.800 --> 00:21:25.440
which acted as a kind of
background check.

00:21:25.440 --> 00:21:29.600
Breda wasn’t afraid of anyone
partly because they thought:

00:21:29.640 --> 00:21:32.640
“ We put you to work at the furnace

00:21:34.080 --> 00:21:36.960
and then we see how you cope”.

00:21:36.960 --> 00:21:39.800
But anyway,

00:21:39.800 --> 00:21:42.800
at Breda Fucine

00:21:44.160 --> 00:21:45.520
management felt safe

00:21:45.520 --> 00:21:48.520
probably also because,

00:21:49.800 --> 00:21:52.560
if we’re to be honest,

00:21:52.560 --> 00:21:55.560
the presence of the CGIL trade union

00:21:56.880 --> 00:21:59.880
and the FIOM guaranteed them

00:22:00.240 --> 00:22:03.240
a degree of control.

00:22:03.600 --> 00:22:07.000
The unions had long
guaranteed them

00:22:07.320 --> 00:22:10.960
significant internal
control within the factory,

00:22:10.960 --> 00:22:12.960
but then this situation fell into crisis.

00:22:12.960 --> 00:22:16.520
We must remember that
there were departments at

00:22:16.680 --> 00:22:20.440
Breda, like La Forgia

00:22:20.480 --> 00:22:24.600
and La Tempera, where

00:22:24.600 --> 00:22:30.480
in ’74, 98% of workers were
members of the FIOM.

00:22:31.720 --> 00:22:34.320
Impressive figures,

00:22:34.320 --> 00:22:37.320
extremely impressive.

00:22:38.120 --> 00:22:42.000
It must be said that this
organised force

00:22:42.680 --> 00:22:47.200
meant that there was
a certain security.

00:22:47.200 --> 00:22:52.400
There was genuine
factory despotism

00:22:52.400 --> 00:22:55.400
but the trade unionists certainly
counted for something.

00:22:56.480 --> 00:23:01.560
There was a situation
from a disciplinary point of view

00:23:02.640 --> 00:23:05.640
that was absolutely

00:23:06.440 --> 00:23:08.920
not comparable

00:23:08.920 --> 00:23:12.600
to other factories in this respect.
This type of co-management

00:23:13.080 --> 00:23:16.320
certainly worked,
but the working conditions

00:23:16.320 --> 00:23:20.200
were terrible, first and foremost
due to the

00:23:20.480 --> 00:23:23.640
absolute technological
backwardness of the factory.

00:23:23.640 --> 00:23:28.680
Physical manual labour was
absolutely predominant

00:23:28.680 --> 00:23:34.840
and it was gruelling, highly hazardous
and involving silicosis.

00:23:34.840 --> 00:23:39.880
Workers reached retirement age
and died three days later.

00:23:40.200 --> 00:23:45.320
On this front there
was very little awareness.

00:23:45.360 --> 00:23:50.400
Even independently from the trade unions,

00:23:50.400 --> 00:23:54.680
there was a working-class mentality

00:23:54.680 --> 00:24:00.200
of professional working-class pride
that was also very male chauvinistic.

00:24:01.200 --> 00:24:02.200
Meaning, an idea

00:24:02.200 --> 00:24:06.320
of physical strength and of resistance.
I remember that

00:24:06.720 --> 00:24:10.920
after two days
at the factory they put me

00:24:10.920 --> 00:24:14.680
at the hammers and it was very hard work
and there were plenty of macho jokes

00:24:14.680 --> 00:24:18.520
I was married and the workers
knew it and all day the refrain was

00:24:18.840 --> 00:24:23.280
“Tonight with your wife you
won’t get it up…"

00:24:23.560 --> 00:24:27.360
“Call us, who after two shifts at work,
will still do it to her”, etc..

00:24:27.360 --> 00:24:30.480
Just to say that you had to

00:24:30.480 --> 00:24:33.600
deal with that kind of mentality.

00:24:34.760 --> 00:24:38.960
But even at Breda Fucine

00:24:38.960 --> 00:24:41.960
there were

00:24:43.560 --> 00:24:45.160
two departments,

00:24:45.160 --> 00:24:49.000
the turning department and the
rods department,

00:24:49.600 --> 00:24:52.600
where workers were much

00:24:52.920 --> 00:24:55.920
less skilled, mainly in the

00:24:56.360 --> 00:24:59.360
rods department.

00:24:59.760 --> 00:25:04.320
A completely different kind of working class
developed there.

00:25:04.760 --> 00:25:09.680
Really completely different.
In the rods department

00:25:11.160 --> 00:25:13.640
You must imagine

00:25:13.640 --> 00:25:16.720
that it reached

00:25:16.720 --> 00:25:21.840
daily rates of 40%
of absenteeism,

00:25:22.520 --> 00:25:26.560
in a factory where
the other traditional departments

00:25:27.040 --> 00:25:32.120
would go to work even when ill,
because it looked bad for a worker

00:25:32.120 --> 00:25:36.600
who was a member of the PCI or the union
that you stay at home

00:25:36.600 --> 00:25:39.680
even when you’re ill.
Also because, well,

00:25:39.680 --> 00:25:43.440
it’s not just because of pride, but
because the factory is their world

00:25:44.520 --> 00:25:47.520
their own sphere, so

00:25:47.760 --> 00:25:50.760
frankly they didn’t even
know what to do

00:25:51.880 --> 00:25:53.600
if they didn’t go to the factory.

00:25:53.600 --> 00:25:56.640
All this is clearly very different

00:25:57.040 --> 00:26:00.040
for the new workers,

00:26:00.080 --> 00:26:04.120
many of them immigrants,
but in any case with characteristics

00:26:04.120 --> 00:26:07.200
that were completely different.

00:26:07.200 --> 00:26:10.200
From these departments

00:26:11.840 --> 00:26:15.120
behaviours emerged,
developed and grew

00:26:15.440 --> 00:26:20.040
which are perfectly aligned
with those found in the workshops

00:26:20.360 --> 00:26:23.080
at FIAT or other factories

00:26:23.080 --> 00:26:26.400
like Magneti Marelli or Alfa Romeo
where apart from

00:26:26.400 --> 00:26:29.800
absenteeism and indiscipline,
there was a questioning

00:26:31.520 --> 00:26:32.720
of roles and a

00:26:32.720 --> 00:26:37.680
refusal to accept any kind of command,
neither from the superiors

00:26:40.920 --> 00:26:41.920
of the factory

00:26:41.920 --> 00:26:46.360
nor from the trade union.
In other words “not giving a shit”,

00:26:47.640 --> 00:26:49.440
initially even with a

00:26:49.440 --> 00:26:54.360
pre-political character
which only later, through debate

00:26:54.360 --> 00:26:58.600
and participation in the struggle,
took on more defined characteristics.

00:26:59.960 --> 00:27:02.360
There is no denying
that initially much

00:27:02.360 --> 00:27:06.760
of the aspect of indiscipline

00:27:06.840 --> 00:27:09.840
was not very developed
in class terms,

00:27:10.320 --> 00:27:13.320
but it was nevertheless

00:27:14.000 --> 00:27:15.960
a beautiful raw material

00:27:15.960 --> 00:27:18.960
to discuss and work on.

00:27:18.960 --> 00:27:22.280
There is this detachment,
this separateness,

00:27:22.480 --> 00:27:26.720
this non-recognition
of any kind of hierarchy

00:27:26.720 --> 00:27:31.240
other than that which is constructed
as an antagonism, a struggle.

00:27:31.800 --> 00:27:34.800
There are these experiences,

00:27:35.320 --> 00:27:38.320
the same experiences of sabotage

00:27:38.840 --> 00:27:41.840
and experiences

00:27:42.720 --> 00:27:46.680
of relative violence in the factory
especially during

00:27:47.200 --> 00:27:51.400
the internal protest marches
and outside during the

00:27:51.440 --> 00:27:54.720
demonstrations. There is
therefore an alignment,

00:27:55.360 --> 00:27:58.600
unfortunately of a minority,

00:27:58.600 --> 00:28:01.680
because it is a minority

00:28:02.640 --> 00:28:04.800
in quantitative rather than

00:28:04.800 --> 00:28:07.962
qualitative terms, because in the struggles
it is this minority who is in charge.

00:28:08.197 --> 00:28:10.760
This is obvious, but generally speaking

00:28:11.040 --> 00:28:14.080
they are a numerical minority

00:28:14.080 --> 00:28:18.480
compared to the
traditional working class which

00:28:19.800 --> 00:28:22.920
in factories such as Breda,

00:28:23.400 --> 00:28:26.400
more so than in other companies,

00:28:27.720 --> 00:28:33.040
proved to be fairly impervious and

00:28:35.240 --> 00:28:39.280
hardly detachable
from the hegemony

00:28:39.680 --> 00:28:42.680
of the social democratic
leadership.

00:28:45.320 --> 00:28:46.560
In the struggles

00:28:46.560 --> 00:28:52.120
at particular moments of tension

00:28:52.120 --> 00:28:55.520
a shift may occur
towards radical positions

00:28:55.520 --> 00:29:00.720
but in terms of representation
and organisation, the split

00:29:00.720 --> 00:29:03.960
at Breda was very radical,
whilst in other factories, such as

00:29:03.960 --> 00:29:06.960
FIAT or Magneti

00:29:07.320 --> 00:29:10.320
there was a mixture,

00:29:10.320 --> 00:29:13.320
there isn’t a dualism

00:29:13.400 --> 00:29:16.560
and such a radical separation

00:29:16.560 --> 00:29:19.840
that you see at

00:29:19.840 --> 00:29:22.840
at Breda Sidurgica, for example.

00:29:22.920 --> 00:29:27.200
The radical new generation and the
traditional working class

00:29:27.200 --> 00:29:32.880
remained two worlds

00:29:33.240 --> 00:29:37.800
that, except in moments
of intense struggle and tension,

00:29:38.640 --> 00:29:42.840
they hardly ever manage to meet
or even communicate because they are

00:29:45.240 --> 00:29:48.240
two different worlds, that is to say

00:29:49.680 --> 00:29:52.680
to put it in terms of social customs,

00:29:53.000 --> 00:29:55.440
in the rods department

00:29:55.440 --> 00:29:58.240
it was not uncommon to see
workers rolling joints at work

00:29:58.240 --> 00:30:03.920
while from the average perspective
of a Communist Party worker at the forges

00:30:03.960 --> 00:30:07.840
someone who smokes joints
should have been sent to Siberia

00:30:08.320 --> 00:30:11.320
for re-education, just so we’re clear.

00:30:13.440 --> 00:30:16.320
We’re still talking about

00:30:16.320 --> 00:30:20.000
the long-haired lot,

00:30:21.480 --> 00:30:23.760
about differences

00:30:23.760 --> 00:30:26.760
in culture,

00:30:27.400 --> 00:30:30.400
radical differences that

00:30:30.560 --> 00:30:34.160
will indeed lead to the fact that

00:30:37.800 --> 00:30:40.800
the new working class

00:30:40.960 --> 00:30:43.600
while being important and significant

00:30:43.600 --> 00:30:49.080
fundamentally remained the story

00:30:49.080 --> 00:30:52.080
of a minority that never succeeded

00:30:52.080 --> 00:30:55.080
unlike as in other situations,
such as at Magneti Marelli

00:30:55.960 --> 00:30:58.280
to gain the hegemony
over the entire factory

00:30:58.280 --> 00:31:02.040
or over the vast majority of workers,

00:31:02.040 --> 00:31:07.280
precisely because the differences
between two groups

00:31:07.680 --> 00:31:11.560
are so strongly marked,
in such a consistent manner

00:31:11.560 --> 00:31:17.240
that they have very little chance
of communicating at all.

00:31:17.240 --> 00:31:20.720
The only ones standing at the gates,
fighting alongside their comrades.

00:31:20.720 --> 00:31:21.200
True.

00:31:23.920 --> 00:31:25.960
The assembly proceeds
little by little,

00:31:25.960 --> 00:31:29.040
this is not a sign of maturity.

00:31:29.520 --> 00:31:33.040
Each of you must be a man
not because you wear trousers,

00:31:33.560 --> 00:31:37.040
but a man because you must have a brain,
and take on more responsibility.

00:31:37.520 --> 00:31:41.400
If there is an occupation,
it will also be our occupation.

00:31:41.400 --> 00:31:46.000
We will work with all of
you night and day,

00:31:46.000 --> 00:31:49.000
if necessary, but all of us together.

00:31:51.440 --> 00:31:53.720
Agnelli, the women leave the kitchen,

00:31:53.720 --> 00:31:56.000
they enter in hard struggle

00:31:56.000 --> 00:31:58.680
on the shop-floor.

00:31:58.680 --> 00:32:01.680
Within this situation

00:32:01.720 --> 00:32:04.720
of new forms of struggle

00:32:05.000 --> 00:32:07.320
the question of

00:32:07.320 --> 00:32:09.200
representation,

00:32:09.200 --> 00:32:12.000
mass participation and

00:32:12.000 --> 00:32:13.920
self-organisation

00:32:13.920 --> 00:32:16.480
began to

00:32:16.480 --> 00:32:19.480
manifest itself.

00:32:20.120 --> 00:32:24.600
The question

00:32:24.600 --> 00:32:30.680
of a different

00:32:30.720 --> 00:32:33.720
kind of organisation emerged,

00:32:34.400 --> 00:32:36.960
also in 1973 at Sirti, where

00:32:38.160 --> 00:32:40.280
the collective of workers and technicians

00:32:40.280 --> 00:32:43.040
was created

00:32:43.040 --> 00:32:46.320
and also at Breda, although

00:32:47.680 --> 00:32:50.200
it never reached,

00:32:50.200 --> 00:32:55.560
both numerically and qualitatively,

00:32:56.040 --> 00:32:59.400
a role comparable to
autonomous workers’ committees

00:33:00.240 --> 00:33:03.960
in other neighbourhoods or other factories.

00:33:05.120 --> 00:33:08.120
These forms

00:33:08.200 --> 00:33:11.200
of autonomous organisation
did emerge, which had

00:33:11.800 --> 00:33:14.640
their own substance

00:33:14.640 --> 00:33:17.640
and visibility, above all

00:33:19.360 --> 00:33:22.960
during the struggles both inside the factory
and at demonstrations,

00:33:23.200 --> 00:33:28.320
even in a visible manner
because the way they were organised,

00:33:28.840 --> 00:33:32.400
the use of large sticks

00:33:32.400 --> 00:33:35.400
with tiny red flags attached

00:33:35.440 --> 00:33:40.760
the ropes they used at marches,

00:33:42.600 --> 00:33:45.760
so there was a visible otherness

00:33:47.320 --> 00:33:50.320
from a militant perspective

00:33:51.560 --> 00:33:54.800
with a role that it
certainly played within

00:33:55.680 --> 00:33:59.640
the factory in terms of the struggles.

00:34:03.200 --> 00:34:04.280
There is an episode at Breda,

00:34:04.280 --> 00:34:09.040
which is, however, very important
and quite indicative of that.

00:34:11.480 --> 00:34:13.280
This happened in 1974

00:34:13.280 --> 00:34:18.600
during the Sossi kidnapping
by the Brigate Rosse.

00:34:20.000 --> 00:34:23.960
The trade unions called for a series

00:34:26.600 --> 00:34:29.560
of strikes, two-hour strikes

00:34:29.560 --> 00:34:32.560
against terrorism

00:34:32.720 --> 00:34:38.400
with general assemblies
across groups of factories,

00:34:39.200 --> 00:34:41.440
not just factory by factory,

00:34:41.440 --> 00:34:44.440
because I remember that we took part.

00:34:47.000 --> 00:34:48.120
From Breda Fucine Termoelettrico

00:34:48.120 --> 00:34:53.520
we went to Magneti Marelli

00:34:53.640 --> 00:34:57.040
and spent two hours together.

00:34:57.640 --> 00:35:00.600
There was of course

00:35:00.600 --> 00:35:03.600
a huge debate, a right chaos,
around this kidnapping.

00:35:03.960 --> 00:35:06.080
I was attacked over this,

00:35:06.080 --> 00:35:09.080
even personally, by name

00:35:09.120 --> 00:35:12.440
by a trade union representative,
actually from the PSI.

00:35:13.920 --> 00:35:16.240
In his speech on stage

00:35:16.240 --> 00:35:21.520
he pointed me out
as one of the terrorists

00:35:21.520 --> 00:35:25.760
who was involved
in the events under discussion.

00:35:26.480 --> 00:35:30.680
I must say, to his credit and
in his memory that

00:35:34.160 --> 00:35:36.680
Antonio Pizzinato himself

00:35:36.680 --> 00:35:40.800
spoke up later
to say: “Chicco, we all know him.

00:35:40.800 --> 00:35:45.000
He might be a bit of a wanker,
but he’s one of us.”

00:35:46.640 --> 00:35:49.720
But above all,
the key point is that

00:35:50.120 --> 00:35:54.680
a motion put forward
by us comrades,

00:35:54.680 --> 00:35:57.680
more or less autonomously,

00:35:58.920 --> 00:36:01.920
from the committee

00:36:02.520 --> 00:36:05.520
this motion was passed

00:36:05.880 --> 00:36:10.560
so it had to be a
2-hour paid assembly

00:36:11.240 --> 00:36:14.680
rather than a 2-hour strike.

00:36:15.120 --> 00:36:18.320
This speaks volumes
namely the fact that

00:36:18.880 --> 00:36:24.360
in 1974, there was still

00:36:25.440 --> 00:36:30.800
a possibility for political action
which, at certain moments, became

00:36:30.800 --> 00:36:34.120
a position taken on by the majority.

00:36:34.880 --> 00:36:37.880
Obviously, those who voted

00:36:38.440 --> 00:36:41.440
to convert the two hours strike

00:36:42.600 --> 00:36:44.920
into a paid assembly

00:36:44.920 --> 00:36:49.400
did not all agree with
the kidnapping of Sossi,

00:36:49.760 --> 00:36:53.040
needless to say, or with

00:36:53.280 --> 00:36:56.040
the line I was taking at the factory, but

00:36:57.000 --> 00:36:59.640
they considered,

00:36:59.640 --> 00:37:01.440
not the Sossi kidnapping,

00:37:01.440 --> 00:37:05.520
but what we represented in the factory, as

00:37:05.520 --> 00:37:10.040
a possible political option
or, at any rate, one worth discussing,

00:37:10.440 --> 00:37:14.200
not as an enemy to be
isolated or driven out.

00:37:14.200 --> 00:37:17.400
Because, back then in the factory

00:37:17.800 --> 00:37:21.640
especially the right-wing faction
of the FIOM had transformed

00:37:21.960 --> 00:37:27.720
the discussion about the kidnapping
into a discussion about our

00:37:28.080 --> 00:37:31.080
political existence in the factory.

00:37:31.640 --> 00:37:34.640
They’ve been screwed because
then the majority of the workers

00:37:34.800 --> 00:37:36.160
were saying:

00:37:36.160 --> 00:37:40.040
“We can’t help but agree that
they’re a bunch of idiots,

00:37:40.840 --> 00:37:44.880
but they’re workers like us
and above all, what they’re saying

00:37:45.680 --> 00:37:48.680
is a line that fits.

00:37:49.120 --> 00:37:52.400
You might agree or disagree

00:37:52.400 --> 00:37:55.400
with the goals

00:37:55.480 --> 00:37:58.120
of the struggle

00:37:58.120 --> 00:38:00.680
but anyway, they recognised

00:38:00.680 --> 00:38:06.120
a right to the presence of

00:38:06.120 --> 00:38:10.200
expressions of such positions
as internal to the workforce.

00:38:10.200 --> 00:38:13.840
If we think about the changes
in the factories within a short span of time

00:38:14.400 --> 00:38:20.760
we would have struggled to believe

00:38:23.160 --> 00:38:25.000
that such things could happen.

00:38:25.000 --> 00:38:28.400
That time there was still

00:38:33.360 --> 00:38:36.360
a level

00:38:36.400 --> 00:38:39.400
political viability and recognition

00:38:39.680 --> 00:38:43.960
of these positions which
circulated absolutely freely

00:38:43.960 --> 00:38:49.080
within the factory and were recognised
as plausible, even though

00:38:49.440 --> 00:38:53.160
obviously not by the majority,

00:38:53.160 --> 00:38:57.840
but nevertheless it
was a recognised element.

00:38:58.080 --> 00:39:02.040
Alongside the militancy
within the factory,

00:39:03.560 --> 00:39:06.560
which was predominant,

00:39:07.120 --> 00:39:10.120
there were also other
forms of political activism

00:39:10.440 --> 00:39:13.440
more generally.

00:39:14.120 --> 00:39:17.120
In the early 1970s in
Sesto San Giovanni

00:39:17.640 --> 00:39:21.320
we all gravitated somewhat towards an

00:39:22.240 --> 00:39:26.040
an organisation called
the Lenin Circle

00:39:26.880 --> 00:39:30.440
which was quite well-established

00:39:30.440 --> 00:39:33.720
in certain factories,
such as Magneti Marelli,

00:39:36.240 --> 00:39:38.800
although particularly among students,

00:39:38.800 --> 00:39:43.560
and not just sixth-formers,
but in this case evening-school students,

00:39:43.560 --> 00:39:48.440
especially those at the ITIS,

00:39:49.680 --> 00:39:51.600
less so from secondary school.

00:39:51.600 --> 00:39:54.600
The Lenin Circle was
essentially a group

00:39:56.720 --> 00:39:58.920
that belonged to the sphere

00:39:58.920 --> 00:40:02.240
of Operaismo / Workerism.

00:40:02.240 --> 00:40:06.840
I subsequently joined
Lotta Continua in ’72.

00:40:07.200 --> 00:40:12.360
towards the end of ’72.
I was fascinated

00:40:12.360 --> 00:40:15.360
precisely by the quality

00:40:16.960 --> 00:40:19.960
of the workers’ organisation

00:40:20.200 --> 00:40:23.880
that Lotta Continua had
in some large factories

00:40:23.880 --> 00:40:29.160
especially in Turin and Milan,
at Alfa Romeo and so on.

00:40:30.400 --> 00:40:34.720
I considered it the focal point,

00:40:34.720 --> 00:40:38.400
capable of transcending localism

00:40:39.240 --> 00:40:42.600
and particularity, which were
the limits of the Lenin Circle.

00:40:43.040 --> 00:40:46.040
Within Lotta Continua

00:40:47.720 --> 00:40:51.120
there were echoes of a debate

00:40:52.080 --> 00:40:55.160
which was politically more advanced

00:40:55.560 --> 00:41:00.440
but also on extremely sensitive issues

00:41:00.440 --> 00:41:03.440
so to speak, such as

00:41:06.720 --> 00:41:08.160
the question of violence/force

00:41:08.160 --> 00:41:11.160
which was the euphemism used

00:41:12.000 --> 00:41:15.480
to define the problem of

00:41:15.480 --> 00:41:20.560
paramilitary organisation.

00:41:21.040 --> 00:41:24.040
This issue was seen as

00:41:24.920 --> 00:41:27.120
the development, acceleration

00:41:27.120 --> 00:41:32.400
and radicalisation of Lotta Continua’s
demo self-defence units.

00:41:33.480 --> 00:41:34.920
But in any case the issue of violence

00:41:34.920 --> 00:41:38.480
was deeply rooted in situations of struggle

00:41:38.480 --> 00:41:43.880
not just workers’ struggles in workplaces

00:41:44.520 --> 00:41:48.120
but also struggles in the neighbourhoods

00:41:48.120 --> 00:41:51.840
because there were squats
but there were also issues

00:41:52.560 --> 00:41:55.560
linked to enforced rent reduction

00:41:56.040 --> 00:41:59.800
or reappropriation, which certainly

00:42:00.120 --> 00:42:04.920
was a more mature and
mass-based form in the years

00:42:04.920 --> 00:42:08.080
from ’75 to ’76,

00:42:08.080 --> 00:42:11.240
but which, in any case,
had also existed before.

00:42:11.240 --> 00:42:15.200
And these are all forms of struggle
that concern the working class.

00:42:15.200 --> 00:42:19.080
The episodes of reappropriation,
the enforced reduction of supermarket prices,

00:42:19.080 --> 00:42:23.120
they were forms of proletarian shopping,
in the sense that people were told

00:42:23.400 --> 00:42:26.400
to be at the supermarket at a certain time

00:42:26.520 --> 00:42:30.920
at the checkouts with trolleys
full of goods, the factory workers

00:42:31.400 --> 00:42:35.280
then started a ruckus and
would rush out with their trolleys.

00:42:35.520 --> 00:42:38.480
They had solved the problem
of domestic supplies

00:42:38.480 --> 00:42:41.480
for a week or ten days, and there was

00:42:41.640 --> 00:42:44.680
considerable participation.

00:42:45.360 --> 00:42:50.040
These points of discussion
were also present within

00:42:51.280 --> 00:42:52.080
the factory,

00:42:52.080 --> 00:42:55.280
even with direct
worker participation.

00:42:55.280 --> 00:42:58.880
There was no separation,
it didn’t all end

00:42:59.240 --> 00:43:02.840
within the confines of the department

00:43:04.160 --> 00:43:05.960
or the department struggle.

00:43:05.960 --> 00:43:09.000
In Lotta Continua there were
discussions about violence

00:43:09.000 --> 00:43:13.640
about the need to organise.

00:43:17.280 --> 00:43:19.720
A massive acceleration

00:43:19.720 --> 00:43:25.040
was the occupation of FIAT
by the so-called ‘red scarves’

00:43:25.040 --> 00:43:28.360
and the assaults on the prefectures

00:43:29.400 --> 00:43:32.680
because from that moment on
we began to think

00:43:32.680 --> 00:43:38.920
about the fact that there was a maturity
among the workers, or rather a

00:43:39.680 --> 00:43:45.040
a component that was still in the minority
but which was nevertheless capable

00:43:45.280 --> 00:43:50.160
in moments of struggle
to exercise real hegemony

00:43:50.640 --> 00:43:55.600
over sectors of the working class
much broader than itself

00:43:56.080 --> 00:44:00.240
and which was acting

00:44:01.800 --> 00:44:04.080
precisely on the terrain
of violent struggle

00:44:04.080 --> 00:44:07.480
of self-organisation and
of an understanding

00:44:07.480 --> 00:44:11.560
that the level of confrontation
was now shifting

00:44:13.440 --> 00:44:14.920
in concrete terms, not

00:44:14.920 --> 00:44:18.800
in ideological and revolutionary terms,
but in material terms

00:44:18.800 --> 00:44:20.280
starting from the factory departments,

00:44:20.280 --> 00:44:24.200
in terms of power, because the strength
of the working class had grown

00:44:24.200 --> 00:44:28.560
so much so as to take shape
in the large factories

00:44:28.560 --> 00:44:32.280
the existence of a dualism of power
which was a situation that

00:44:32.520 --> 00:44:35.520
obviously could not be expected to

00:44:36.600 --> 00:44:38.160
endure over time.

00:44:38.160 --> 00:44:44.560
Ultimately, one power had to
have supremacy over the other.

00:44:44.560 --> 00:44:48.000
It was inconceivable that it could last
and that therefore

00:44:49.240 --> 00:44:51.960
there was a problem

00:44:51.960 --> 00:44:55.000
of preparing for the

00:44:55.760 --> 00:44:58.760
radicalisation of the conflict

00:44:59.160 --> 00:45:00.600
necessitated by events,

00:45:00.600 --> 00:45:06.640
beyond subjective will.
This was an idea that, in some strata

00:45:06.640 --> 00:45:10.280
among the working class,
was now gaining ground.

00:45:13.440 --> 00:45:16.440
This debate caused

00:45:17.960 --> 00:45:19.560
Lotta Continua to enter a crisis,

00:45:19.560 --> 00:45:22.560
like other groups,

00:45:22.800 --> 00:45:26.080
Such as Potere Operaio.

00:45:28.560 --> 00:45:31.560
These groups showed a
Certain backwardness,

00:45:33.480 --> 00:45:35.240
an inability to tackle

00:45:35.240 --> 00:45:38.080
in new terms the situation that was

00:45:39.080 --> 00:45:41.080
taking shape and that

00:45:41.080 --> 00:45:45.840
required transformative measures
at a general level in political terms,

00:45:46.320 --> 00:45:49.320
in personal terms
in terms of militancy.

00:45:49.600 --> 00:45:53.520
We were entering
a phase in which

00:45:54.040 --> 00:45:59.160
it is no longer the phase where you just hand out leaflets
or engage in confrontation in the factory.

00:45:59.800 --> 00:46:05.080
Something different was starting to be required
as well, and at this point

00:46:05.640 --> 00:46:10.360
clearly everyone is

00:46:10.360 --> 00:46:13.360
called upon to step up.

00:46:13.840 --> 00:46:16.200
Choices that were made

00:46:16.200 --> 00:46:20.960
were not always personal choices
they were also collective choices because

00:46:20.960 --> 00:46:25.920
there were whole groups, for example
In Sesto San Giovanni

00:46:26.280 --> 00:46:29.280
about twenty of us left
Lotta Continua

00:46:31.120 --> 00:46:34.920
between the end of 1973
and the start of 1974.

00:46:37.040 --> 00:46:40.800
Based on a hypothesis
precisely of this sort, to begin

00:46:41.200 --> 00:46:45.240
to consider the introduction of
organisational elements

00:46:45.240 --> 00:46:49.680
even openly illegal
and paramilitary

00:46:50.360 --> 00:46:52.760
to offer these structures

00:46:52.760 --> 00:46:58.040
as a tool for mass struggles.

00:47:00.160 --> 00:47:02.160
It so happens that

00:47:02.160 --> 00:47:05.160
more or less around that time

00:47:07.240 --> 00:47:09.920
in various places and
in different situations

00:47:09.920 --> 00:47:12.920
the same

00:47:13.960 --> 00:47:17.640
intentions take shape,
and this is essentially the process

00:47:18.360 --> 00:47:21.120
of the formation of the
so-called Workers’ Autonomy,

00:47:21.120 --> 00:47:25.560
that is, the first actions
begin to emerge in which we see

00:47:25.560 --> 00:47:30.960
more or less the same willingness

00:47:30.960 --> 00:47:33.960
and the same determination

00:47:35.040 --> 00:47:36.640
to do things.

00:47:36.640 --> 00:47:39.640
Gradually the situation builds up until.

00:47:40.560 --> 00:47:43.080
There is a pivotal moment

00:47:43.080 --> 00:47:47.600
the days of April 1975,
in which the trigger

00:47:47.600 --> 00:47:52.640
is an element
linked to fascism

00:47:52.640 --> 00:47:55.800
because a fascist
shot and killed a comrade.

00:47:55.800 --> 00:48:00.960
In reality, then the response
of the workers’ autonomy,

00:48:00.960 --> 00:48:05.400
was to take over the
squares and streets.

00:48:06.240 --> 00:48:10.240
This certainly went beyond
the anti-fascist element.

00:48:11.520 --> 00:48:14.520
Biographically,

00:48:14.600 --> 00:48:17.560
what still survived of the

00:48:17.560 --> 00:48:20.880
extra-parliamentary groups
during the April days

00:48:20.880 --> 00:48:26.760
was rigidly focused on pursuing
limited anti-fascist objectives.

00:48:26.760 --> 00:48:30.600
There was a very violent incident,
bordering on a

00:48:30.600 --> 00:48:33.600
physical confrontation with
one of the groups, Avanguardia Operaia,

00:48:34.600 --> 00:48:39.040
because they objected us
attacking the housing administration

00:48:39.200 --> 00:48:43.560
with molotov cocktails,
thereby giving continuity

00:48:43.840 --> 00:48:46.800
to an element of the
mass workers’ struggles

00:48:46.800 --> 00:48:49.800
of that period, which involved

00:48:50.080 --> 00:48:55.040
the refusal to pay
rents, bills and so on.

00:48:55.040 --> 00:48:56.400
The squares and the streets

00:48:56.400 --> 00:49:01.160
took shape precisely as an element
of counter-power:

00:49:01.880 --> 00:49:04.200
“Today we’re in charge,

00:49:04.200 --> 00:49:08.640
we decide where we go
what we do and how we do it.”

00:49:09.080 --> 00:49:11.120
And in fact,

00:49:11.120 --> 00:49:16.320
apart from anti-fascist objectives,
we also attacked the

00:49:16.440 --> 00:49:21.440
mainstream newspapers.

00:49:22.440 --> 00:49:24.120
This opened

00:49:24.120 --> 00:49:26.640
a rift that would prove irreconcilable

00:49:26.640 --> 00:49:29.640
with the rest of the

00:49:30.000 --> 00:49:33.520
extra-parliamentary left
from that moment onwards.

00:49:37.840 --> 00:49:40.560
I gave up my factory job

00:49:40.560 --> 00:49:44.880
because this new form of militancy

00:49:46.000 --> 00:49:47.960
requires a commitment

00:49:47.960 --> 00:49:51.560
of a different kind, full-time
with other characteristics.

00:49:51.560 --> 00:49:54.600
Also, my presence in the factory

00:49:54.600 --> 00:50:00.280
was beginning to become dangerous
from the point of view

00:50:00.280 --> 00:50:05.400
of repression and the possibility
and being arrested.

00:50:05.680 --> 00:50:09.720
Essentially, in 1975
I made myself untraceable.

00:50:10.000 --> 00:50:15.240
I haven’t had any arrest warrants yet
but there were reports, complaints

00:50:15.240 --> 00:50:19.640
and so I chose to live in
a state of semi-clandestinity

00:50:20.200 --> 00:50:23.880
which was relative, because even then

00:50:25.080 --> 00:50:27.360
in ’76 it happened

00:50:27.360 --> 00:50:32.880
that we stormed the canteen
of the upper management and

00:50:32.880 --> 00:50:38.360
we’d sit at the tables eating
together with our comrades

00:50:38.720 --> 00:50:41.880
working at Magneti Marelli
without paying, of course

00:50:42.480 --> 00:50:47.160
and nobody said anything to us because back
then we had, how shall I put it,

00:50:49.560 --> 00:50:52.560
we had a role.

00:50:53.120 --> 00:50:53.720
This role wasn’t

00:50:53.720 --> 00:50:57.200
linked to our subjective
characteristics

00:50:57.240 --> 00:51:00.480
or to us being bullies,
but to the fact

00:51:01.000 --> 00:51:04.000
that the workers of
Magneti Marelli had our backs.

00:51:04.600 --> 00:51:05.880
There was a wide opening,

00:51:05.880 --> 00:51:08.880
it was a semi-illegality.

00:51:10.200 --> 00:51:13.480
But basically from there

00:51:13.800 --> 00:51:17.520
it completely changed my life

00:51:17.520 --> 00:51:20.640
which then began to be much less

00:51:20.880 --> 00:51:23.880
indeed, no longer tied

00:51:24.120 --> 00:51:28.800
to the world of the factory,

00:51:29.080 --> 00:51:32.080
but to a different kind of militancy.