﻿WEBVTT

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Yeah, 
good question!

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Forest in Factory is a text
I wrote with my friend Phil Neal,

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published originally 
on the Endnotes blog,

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and our intent 
with writing this

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is because we we found 
a lot of contemporary attempts

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to speculate about the communist 
future to be unsatisfactory.

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And our biggest complaint
was the way

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that systems of production 
are conceived of

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or more importantly, not conceived 
of at all, completely ignored.

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And so a big chunk at the 
beginning of the text is

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discussing this notion of 
utopia and what it means

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to think about the future,
and more importantly,

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how to think 
about the future

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in such a way that has a 
political relevance to today.

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And so

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throughout the history 
of Marxism specifically,

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there's this kind 
of tension about,

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kind of like I've said
many times during this interview,

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we can't really predict the details
of the future of communist struggle

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or communist society
because it's so contextual.

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And so there on the one hand,
you have on one extreme

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people who say: There's no 
point in speculating.

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Our horizon of thought should 
not extend beyond just

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that which is 
immediately in front of us.

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And that's the only thing we're
really equipped to think rigorously about.

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And we should 
just focus on that.

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And then eventually we will iteratively
build towards those things in the future.

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That's one extreme.

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And on the other extreme,
there are people who assert that we can,

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we need to fancifully imagine,
what we want in the future,

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and that can inspire 
everybody today

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 to work towards
that particular imagined future.

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And this future should reflect our needs
and wants as we imagine them today.

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And out of those 
two extremes,

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the point we try making in "Forerst
and Factory" is that they both are

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right and wrong in their own ways.

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we actually have 
a foreword.

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- the French translation
is coming out soon

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and we wrote 
a new foreword,

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which we'll be publishing
in English around the same time

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when the French 
edition comes out

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that goes into detail 
about this more,

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but the thing is, you
can't ever separate out

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the utopian, imaginative 
dimension of

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communism specifically,
but emancipatory politics in general.

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You can't separate that from 
its more grounded, rigorous

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strategic and tactical kind of 
approach, an approach

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that we and many Marxists
before us, called scientific.

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And so the scientific 
and utopian dimensions are,

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they both play 
off each other.

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The utopian dimension, 
its shortcoming

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is when it does not 
have enough fidelity

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to the world that we live in today,
to be able to trace out

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how the world of today
might be transformed.

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It's tricky, because you 
want to imagine a world

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that is fundamentally 
different than the world

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we have today, because otherwise,
what's the point?

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What do we what are 
we working towards,

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if the future is really just today,
but arranged slightly differently?

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But you have to be careful to ensure that
the future that you're describing is not

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that it is, 
in fact, realistic.

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And realistic, of course, 
is kind of a loaded term.

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What what makes something 
realistic versus not realistic?

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And so that's kind of where
the scientific dimension comes in.

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You have to form a model, 
which for Marxism is

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this critique of political economy, 
of how does the world today work?

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And what don't we 
like about this world?

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How does that relate to our model
of how the world works?

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And therefore,
if we want to get rid of

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these aspects of society we don't like,
and fill it with something else,

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how does that play into 
the model of how today works?

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And what does 
that imply for

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how all of that 
may change?

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And so 
the trick is...

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...you need to 
be able to

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articulate a vision 
for a future.

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And you need to have 
a bit of utopianism.

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Because for any kind 
of emancipatory politics,

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there is the 
necessity for a

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emotive, 
ethical,

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in some cases 
spiritual dimension,

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that transcends
the mere

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the limited purview of a purely 
rigorous scientific inquiry.

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And nobody gets 
into radical politics

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because they just read 
too many economic stats.

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And then 
they're like: Aha!

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- It's that 
for many people,

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but also a longing 
for a better world!

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This world sucks,

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but more importantly:
it could be so much better.

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And we can articulate the reasons
why it could be so much better.

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It's totally 
possible.

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But the fact that it isn't, - we have 
to then be able to articulate

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what that better world
would look like in a way

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that is actually reachable 
from today and so,

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in "Forest and Factory" we take 
as our primary object of inquiry

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the industrial systems of production
that make our current world what it is.

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We we articulate 
this minimal program

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of what communism 
would have to be.

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It would have to be 
this proliferation

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of deliberative forms 
throughout society.

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In short that means people 
would have to be able to

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meaningfully participate in decision
making about the things that affect them.

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And of course, that looks very 
different at different scales.

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But also it would be an abolition
of the value form in capitalism,

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which also by extension, means
and abolition of markets and money.

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It also means a,

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for lack of a 
better term,

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non domination.

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Communism would be 
a classless society.

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You therefore have to get rid of the
material basis for class and ensure that,

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the material conditions 
of society,

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do not always threaten to reproduce
new forms of class domination.

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And so if you take this as
a minimal guiding principle

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of what communism 
could be,

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there's like a million different 
ways that that could look.

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Some of them very realistic,
some of them very unrealistic.

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But how to know what's 
realistic and unrealistic for us?

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We chart it 
based on,

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how those different 
types of schemas

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relate to the question 
of production.

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And so

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we take the 
freeing of time

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as a kind of central mechanism
by which a future communist society

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would be able
to guarantee

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theses different social arrangements 
that I just described,

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these minimal conditions.

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And in order to have this 
kind of freeing of time,

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you need to rely a lot
on the manufacturing capacity

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that capitalism has created, both now
and as a possibility for in the future.

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But you have to fundamentally restructure
that productive capacity

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such that it does not serve
the interests of the capitalist class,

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or just the accumulation 
of value, more abstractly.

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It has to serve 
these means and ends

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that are determined collectively
through these systems of deliberation,

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where people can meaningfully 
participate in deciding:

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What is important, why is it important,
and how are we going to do it?

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And we're going to collectively 
arrive at a decision on:

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We're gonna make these things,
and we're gonna make them this way,

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and we're gonna distribute 
them to these people.

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That's how we're 
gonna do it.

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But, how you get there and 
how how that's gonna look

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and where you break down
different divisions of labor,

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That's all something that
you have to pay,

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you have to really balance the tension
between thinking carefully about

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the technical material 
constraints

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and simultaneously being able to truly
be different than the world we have today.

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And so Forest and Factory is an 
attempt to thread that needle

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and to kind of navigate that 
tension and find a way to

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kind of surpass that tension 
and show: Hey

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this is the tension,
but it's a generative tension.

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It's a tension that constantly 
generates good ideas,

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and you just need to be able to 
focus on the right things in order to

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constructively generate 
ideas from that.

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It's important for the

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it's important
for a couple different dimensions.

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There's there's a 
persuasive part of it.

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There's a lot of people,
I think, who are very disillusioned

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with capitalist society,
but they don't have any kind of

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sympathy for communism
because they don't see it

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as being possible, or their understanding
of what communism is is

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just simply

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not one that actually,
that we would agree with here

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in this discussion, or that 
would actually be better.

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Or they think that for whatever
reason, capitalism

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is just as good 
as it gets,

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as terrible as it is, at least
we don't live in something even worse.

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I hope that
that's not the case.

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I hope that a better 
future is possible,

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but sometimes people need 
to be convinced of that.

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Part of that is just having 
a good, persuasive model

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of what the future 
may look like.

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But a lot of that persuasion
happens in conjunction with,

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the formation of a political
subjectivity around them, wherein

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the capacity to actually 
assert your needs

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against the society that's dominating
you, actually looks to be possible.

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And so it's when 
revolutionary politics

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or even just like class
struggle politics takes material root

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in the forms of possibility
that people have in their lives,

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that is when these kind of 
persuasive arguments about:

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Hey, what if we instead of using markets
and money to decide where things go,

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what if we had this other 
mechanism instead?

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If I just tell you that in 
a bar, it's like: Okay, so?

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But if you're two people on a picket line
and one person says it to the other

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and you say like,

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hey, it relates to us being on this picket
line for reasons X, Y, and Z,

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that's a much more 
persuasive argument.

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And from that,

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having having clarity around
where you're going...

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In the moment right now, it's really
mostly just kind of an aspirational thing.

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It's mostly it's more emotional
than anything.

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But, you know, if things 
continue on the trend they're on

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and we get these increasingly 
ratcheted up forms

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of communist organization and class
struggle generates these forms

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of proletarian power
that did not exist before.

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Eventually these kind 
of questions of utopian,

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fanciful imagining actually start
taking a real strategic dimension.

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You know, at some point people very well
may have the power to decide, like: Hey,

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instead of letting ICE come and
kidnap all our friends and neighbors,

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what if we had a way to
collectively stop them?

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And that obviously 
has a very direct

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relevance to emancipatory politics,
to communist politics,

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which is a society where something like
ICE would never exist in the first place.

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And so the point is to

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have as much 
of that

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ethical, moral, 
spiritual,

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emotive, 
aspirational,

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inspiring

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content to your utopian vision as possible
to catalyze the continued development

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of this political subjectivity,
such that that goes

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from being a 
purely emotive

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line of persuasion, to actually 
having strategic significance.

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And because 
you can actually

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look at a number
of historical revolutionary junctures.

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Jacob Blumenfeld had a 
really good piece recently

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about the revolutionary confusion
of the Bavarian Socialist Republic.

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I believe it was, where there 
was just a lack of like critical,

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good, solid strategic
thinking about

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what are we gonna do
when we have the power

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to actually make
meaningful decisions over our lives?

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And if you don't have a good 
understanding of what your program is

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if you just say: I want 
it to be not as bad.

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 If I want to stop the things that 
are bad now, that's half the equation.

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What about: What are 
you going to do instead?

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And you need to make sure 
you have that answered

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or at least answered enough
by the time the question matters.